Specters and Gods: Masks of the Himalayan Region
This translation follows the 2001 revised edition of the column article on Himalayan mask culture. The essay's author, Mr. Thomas Murray, is an American art historian, anthropologist, and collector. His academic work, which has lasted more than four decades, has shown a consistent focus on Asian tribal and shamanic art, beginning with his first visit to Asia in 1978. The original version of this column was published in 1995.
An asterisk (*) marks images that were present in the original text; every other image, provided by the translator, is acknowledged accordingly. The item "Buddhist Guardian Deity Mask," 14th–17th century, private collection*, is connected to Peling (भैरव; Bhairava), who is understood as Shiva's wrathful form. As the preface explains, the vivid imagery of Himalayan masks (*འབག་*) comes from a mixture of sources: indigenous religions (termed "shamanism" in the source text), local lore, and older Hindu and Buddhist traditions.
In the world’s highest mountain ranges, isolated Himalayan communities have long relied on self-sufficient agro-pastoral economies for their survival. This article takes a broader view of Himalayan mask culture, comparing its stylistic and thematic aspects with masks from other cultural regions, such as Eurasia and the Americas, from the late Paleolithic era to the present.
The widespread presence of masking traditions across the Himalayas suggests deep-rooted origins. Mask performances thrive in a culture shaped by a belief in animism blended with Hindu and Buddhist traditions (Fig. 1). This article categorizes Himalayan masks into three main types for research purposes. An extremely rare wooden Indra mask exists.
In the refined traditions of Buddhism and Hinduism, masks that portray deities, heroes, and theatrical figures are known as "classical masks." Used by Hindus and Buddhists in temple and monastery dance rituals, these masks take various forms. Many "Newar masks" (Fig. 3) from Nepal's Kathmandu Valley, for example, depict Hindu gods and goddesses or key characters from the *Ramayana* and *Mahabharata*. Classical Buddhist masks, on the other hand, typically show figures from the extensive Buddhist pantheon, such as different manifestations of Mahakala (Fig. 4).
The Buddhist masks under discussion are typically used in monastic dance rituals called *cham* (འཆམ་). In *cham* (འཆམ་འབག་), the masks serve to invoke deities and ward off evil. Their facial appearance is Gorgon-like, an image sourced from an early Corinthian vase. Despite incorporating classical elements of both Hinduism and Buddhism, "village masks" retain their essential identity in local village mythology. Likely belonging to this group is the Lakhe mask (Fig. 5), widely found among Hindu communities in the Kathmandu Valley.
The origin of Lakhe (or the Lakhe dance) is without doubt tied to the annual Indra Jatra festival, a Nepalese celebration held in honor of the deity Indra. As a local demonic figure, Lakhe often exhibits features reminiscent of the Gorgon, bringing to mind the grotesque facial motifs typical of Mediterranean sculpture and painting traditions (Fig. 6). Attentive readers may also observe the similar forehead markings that Indra and Lakhe share.
This Buryat mask portrays an elderly deity of Northeast Asia. Meanwhile, "Buddhist village masks," crafted by the Sherdukpen and Monpa peoples of northeastern India and eastern Bhutan, are generally used in didactic theatrical performances (Translator’s note: generally referring to Tibetan opera). These masks closely resemble tribal masks from the Nepal region, feature prominent high cheekbones and a distinct Northeast Asian eye shape, and are typically employed in funerals before being destroyed. A more detailed exploration of these masks will follow later.
Our understanding of tribal masks remains limited because their geographic origins are extremely remote and dispersed. These masks are typically used by local shamans for healing, divination, and negotiating life crises—that is, transitions between life stages. "Primitive Shaman Masks" (Fig. 7) are found mainly among tribal communities in Nepal, although the translator notes that the preservation of such masks in Tibetan regions is more complex.
In my view, these ancient masks, which have survived to this day, symbolize a pan-Asian mask culture. They are found in the daily lives of the Batak people of Sumatra (Fig. 8), the Atoni of Timor, tribal communities of India, Siberian shamans (Fig. 9), and various other ethnic groups, as well as in the Himalayas. Yet while this isolation has ensured their long-term preservation, it has also limited our understanding of the people and cultural traditions connected to them.
At best, the association of primitive shaman masks with specific ethnic groups remains speculative. The creation and use of masks generally originated in shamanistic religions, gradually reaching Himalayan village folk traditions, only later to be reinterpreted by classical traditions such as Hinduism and Buddhism. Since mask usage across Asia stems largely from shamanistic beliefs, any discussion of Himalayan mask culture must begin with primitive shamanism. Primitive Shaman Mask
It is certain that most shamanic-style masks from the Himalayan region were made in Nepal. Among mid-altitude Himalayan communities, the hardwood masks of the Magar and Gurung peoples acquire a distinct patina through prolonged contact with smoke and animal fat (Fig. 10). Nevertheless, the uncertainty surrounding them arises from several factors: the overlap in functional and iconographic traits among masks, and the cultural gap between the communities that preserve these masks and Western observers.
The mask's figure is frequently called a clown, but whether these masks acquired separate identities or ritual purposes cannot be confirmed. As for the Tharu masks, they bear a strong resemblance to Inuit masks, while their facial features might come from central India's tribal masks. Later, we will address the masking traditions of other less well-known mid-altitude groups—such as the Rai, Tamang (རྟ་དམག་), Sherpa, and Bhotya (a term etymologically originating from the Tibetan phrase "Tibetan land").
Inhabiting the lowlands along the India-Nepal border, the Tharu people (Tharu; མཐའ་རུ་) usually construct masks from softwood and use kaolin for pigmentation, though polychrome versions are also common. Hardwood masks appear less frequently in Tharu communities. Certain documented Tharu masks are referenced as examples of "primitive masks." Meanwhile, Rajbansi masks—a Tharu sub-group (Fig. 11)—are evidently derived from Indian (or Hindu) prototypes, fitting the earlier-noted "village masks" classification. The mask in Fig.
A compelling case study for distinguishing between “primitive” and “village” mask typologies is 11: at first glance, its individualized designs resist classification, yet a closer look at larger assemblages reveals discernible patterns. Hair-adorned masks ordinarily depict one or more bearded or mustachioed figures—encountered in lived experience yet unidentifiable (Figs. 8 & 10).
In this same category, beardless masks from mid-altitude regions are included because of signs pointing to earlier hair attachments. The three forehead stripes on this particular mask could be linked to Shaivite traditions, possibly reflecting classical Shaivite worship. Masks characterized by irregular, bulbous heads and fierce expressions are commonly labeled "potato-head type" masks (Fig. 12). Forehead markings can sometimes help tell them apart further. Take, for instance, the masks appearing in Fig.
Not all trident markings necessarily align with Shaivite doctrine; some could be borrowed symbols stripped of their original meaning. Nonetheless, the reason 13 items were preserved is specifically that they carry the trident symbol, a signature attribute of Shiva in Hinduism. On the foreheads of other masks appears a crescent moon cradling a sun disk, yet the motif's significance remains unclear (the translator notes that interpretations of this symbol vary across Tibetan regions).
Associated with family protection rituals, this mask has a restored chin confirming it was not thrown away, and its nose ring might be connected to the Tamang people. The Rai traditionally fashion masks from tree fungi to protect households and clans (Fig. 15), whereas other masks displaying more diverse ethnic characteristics are constructed from felt and goat leather (Translator's note: such as ancient white goat leather masks from Tibetan regions). "Rai Mask," 19th century, Mort Golub Collection* The mask in Fig. shows red pigment.
These time-worn masks attest to the deep devotion of Himalayan communities across successive generations. Rather than being thrown away, aged masks undergo careful restoration, as every instance of use amplifies their sacred power (Fig. 14). The number 16 probably represents blood sacrifice, whether from human beings in ancient rites or from animals. Meanwhile, the dark patina, lustrous surface coating, and accumulated paint layers allow us to infer that these masks come from a remote era that cannot be precisely dated but is beyond doubt.
Their exact usage remains uncertain, though they are certainly centuries old or older. By drawing on fundamental shamanic principles, we can infer their ritual function and symbolic meaning. This article was written by Thomas Murray.